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Wednesday, June 2, 2021

Here it is: Official 2021 AJC Peachtree Road Race T-shirt - WSB Atlanta

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ATLANTA — You’ll soon see a lot of these T-shirts around town.

Officials released the design of the official T-shirt of the 2021 Atlanta Journal-Constitution Peachtree Road Race.

The AJC said the winning designer was presented with a $1,000 check and the T-shirt at the Atlanta Track Club offices. The winner’s T-shirt will be given to every race participant.

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“I’m just excited and in shock. My brother’s going to be extremely happy because he’s the one that wanted me to do the design in the first place,” Leah Knighton, of Lithonia, told the AJC.

Knighton said there’s a lot of pride in her design.

“My inspiration for this design is my pride in Georgia,” Knighton said. “I wanted it to be simple but still show the key things that we associate with our state. I wanted to include a road design that went through the whole state outline. Peachtree Street and Peachtree Road really embody how I perceive Atlanta. The area is filled with diversity, art, history and community.”

Registration for the July Fourth weekend race ends Monday but only virtual tickets are left.

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Organizers expect the race to look a little different than the races of the last few years. This year’s event will be held on both July 3 and July 4 to allow for social distancing and other measures to keep runners safe.

The 2020 event was postponed from its usual July 4 slot and ended up being held virtually in late November. Prior to 2020, the race had been held annually on the morning of July 4.

This year’s event will begin at Lenox Square and end at Piedmont Park. The Atlanta Track Club, the group that operates the race, hasn’t announced a capacity for this year’s event, but according to a release from the club, they expect there to be less than the 60,000 runners it has hosted in the past.

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Here’s where GOP lawmakers have passed new voting restrictions around the country - The Washington Post

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Depending on where you live, the way you vote could change significantly ahead of the 2022 midterm elections.

Republican state legislators have introduced hundreds of bills that would tighten access to voting around the country, many of them echoing then-president Donald Trump’s false claims that loose election laws allowed fraud to taint the 2020 White House race.

While Texas Democrats on Sunday blocked an effort in their state to pass what would have been one of the most stringent new voting measures in the country, 14 states have enacted laws this year that tighten the rules around casting ballots.

Many of the bills target mail voting and other policies that helped safeguard the franchise during the coronavirus pandemic and helped produce the highest turnout among American voters in more than a century. Supporters of Trump claim without evidence that unless subject to strict limits, mail ballots open the door to widespread fraud. Some of the bills also seek to curtail early voting, impose restrictions on voter registration efforts, limit the power of local officials to oversee elections and stop private donors from supplementing their operational budgets.

Some Democratic-controlled states have moved in the other direction, approving measures to formalize more permissive voting policies from 2020, complementing proposed federal legislation to protect voting rights with a set of national standards. But with roughly half of all state governments under Republican control — and momentum for new voting restrictions throughout the GOP — the impact on tens of millions of voters could be dramatic.

As of mid-May, 14 states had enacted 22 laws with provisions that create new hurdles to vote, and another 61 such bills were still advancing in 18 states, according to the Brennan Center. Arkansas and Montana lead the country in fresh voting restrictions, with four new laws enacted each. Both imposed or tightened identification requirements for in-person voting and added restrictions for assisting voters in returning mail ballots. Alabama, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Utah and Wyoming, in addition to the states listed below, have also passed laws with restrictive language.

Here are some of the most significant new state voting restrictions

Most of the new voting laws impose limits on mail and early voting. Several have drawn legal challenges from civil rights groups.

Enacted May 11

Republicans in Arizona have proposed a number of stand-alone bills that take on specific aspects of the voting process. The first to pass changed the state’s popular Permanent Early Voting List, which determines who receives mail ballots each election cycle. Gov. Doug Ducey (R) signed it into law May 11. The new rules mean voters who do not cast a ballot at least once every two years will have to respond to a government notice to avoid being removed from the list and to continue getting a ballot in the mail.

Enacted May 6

After its 2020 elections ran smoothly, Florida nonetheless passed far-reaching voting restrictions with the encouragement of Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, a close ally of Trump. A state law he signed May 6 institutes a number of changes, including requiring voters to renew their mail voting application every two years and to submit a form of identification. With some exceptions, voters’ access to drop boxes for returning mail ballots will be limited to early voting hours, a maximum of 12 hours per day. If any drop box is found to be accessible outside of these hours, the local supervisor of elections could be subject to a civil penalty of $25,000. Voters will be permitted to drop off only two ballots for nonfamily members. The law gives partisan election observers more access to the ballot counting process. It also prevents behavior undertaken with the “intent” of influencing a voter, so the law is likely to bar efforts to provide food and water to people waiting in line to cast in-person ballots. Donations to election budgets from private individuals are also not allowed.

Enacted March 25

Combining elements from more than a dozen other bills, Georgia’s new voting law signed by Gov. Brian Kemp (R) on March 25 imposes a number of restrictions on voting in the state, earning it comparisons to the Jim Crow laws that effectively blocked Black men and women from voting in the American South. Specifically, the rules prevent proactively sending mail ballot applications to voters, require voters to submit identification with their application to be approved and shorten the time frame for the application process to take place. Like several other states, Georgia added new restrictions on the use of mail ballot drop boxes and prohibited providing food or water to people waiting in line to vote in person. Legislators also stripped certain powers from the secretary of state, removing that official as chair of the State Election Board and allowing the General Assembly to select his or her replacement.

The law takes other steps to expand access to voting, including guaranteeing a minimum number of ballot drop boxes in each county and providing more resources for localities to address long lines for in-person voting.

Enacted March 8

Iowa was among the first states to approve an omnibus voting restriction bill, signed into law in early March by Gov. Kim Reynolds (R). As in Georgia, the new law shortens the application period for mail ballots and bars election officials from proactively sending application forms to voters. County auditors can face criminal charges if they do not follow certain procedures in purging voter rolls. The early voting period — and voting hours on Election Day — are shorter. Local officials’ discretion in placing drop boxes is curtailed.

Here’s what to watch in coming weeks

As more legislatures wrap up their work for the year, here are a few states that could still take action.

A number of additional voting restrictions could be enacted in Arizona, where baseless claims of voting irregularities have led to a widely criticized audit of the 2020 election in Maricopa County. Proposals have included requiring voters to submit a form of identification with their application to vote early by mail and setting a postmark deadline of the Thursday before Election Day for mail ballots to be considered valid. Another measure advancing through the legislature would strip certain powers from Secretary of State Katie Hobbs, a Democrat.

A stream of proposals have been introduced in Michigan, including measures placing limits on the use of ballot drop boxes, prohibiting officials from proactively sending mail ballot application forms to voters, adding new photo-ID requirements and empowering partisan election challengers. While Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer could veto the bills, Republicans have suggested they may use an obscure voter-petition process to give the GOP-run legislature the final say.

New Hampshire

Several proposed voting restrictions are under consideration in New Hampshire, including bills that would ease the removal of voters from the rolls, require additional identification information from voters throughout the process of casting a ballot and eliminate same-day voter registration. One amendment seeks to blunt the impact of the leading federal bill to protect voting rights, should it pass.

One of the most restrictive voting bills in the country was defeated — at least temporarily — in Texas on May 30, when a Democratic walkout in the state House caused the chamber to miss the deadline for passage. But Gov. Greg Abbott (R) announced he will add the bill to the agenda for a special legislative session he plans to call later in the year, leaving voting-rights advocates on high alert.

The Republican measure would have made it harder to vote by mail, empowered partisan poll watchers and imposed stiff penalties on election administrators. Comparing the legislation to Jim Crow laws, critics said it would disproportionately affect people of color. The bill prohibited drive-up voting and other methods used widely by Black and Latino voters in Houston to cast ballots during the coronavirus pandemic.

Read more:

2020 turnout was the highest in over a century. Check out the data here.

Amy Gardner and Peter W. Stevenson contributed to this report.

About this story

Editing by Matea Gold. Graphics by Harry Stevens. Photo editing by Natalia Jimenez. Copy editing by Anne Kenderdine. Design by Tyler Remmel.

Data sources: Turnout of voting-eligible population from the United States Election Project. Share of vote by method from an MIT Election Data + Science Lab poll of registered voters, with samples sizes of 1,000 respondents in Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Iowa and Michigan, and 200 respondents in New Hampshire and Texas. Margins of victory in the 2020 presidential election from Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Elections. State party control, which considers party control of both the legislature and governorship, from the National Conference of State Legislatures.

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Here Are America’s Top Methane Emitters. Some Will Surprise You. - The New York Times

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Oil and gas giants are selling off their most-polluting operations to small private companies. Most manage to escape public scrutiny.

As the world’s oil and gas giants face increasing pressure to reduce their fossil fuel emissions, small, privately held drilling companies are becoming the country’s biggest emitters of greenhouse gases, often by buying up the industry’s high-polluting assets.

According to a startling new analysis of the latest emissions data disclosed to the Environmental Protection Agency, five of the industry’s top ten emitters of methane, a particularly potent planet-warming gas, are little-known oil and gas producers, some backed by obscure investment firms, whose environmental footprints are wildly large relative to their production.

In some cases, the companies are buying up high-polluting assets directly from the largest oil and gas corporations, like ConocoPhillips and BP; in other cases, private equity firms acquire risky oil and gas properties, develop them, and sell them quickly for maximum profits.

The largest emitter, Hilcorp Energy, reported almost 50 percent more methane emissions from its operations than the nation’s largest fossil fuel producer, Exxon Mobil, despite pumping far less oil and gas. Four other relatively unknown companies — Terra Energy Partners, Flywheel Energy, Blackbeard Operating and Scout Energy — each reported emitting more of the gas than many industry heavyweights.

These companies have largely escaped public scrutiny, even as they have become major polluters.

“It’s amazing how the small operators manage to constitute a very large part of the problem,” said Andrew Logan, senior director of oil and gas at Ceres, a nonprofit investor network that commissioned the study together with the Clean Air Task Force, an environmental group. “There’s just no pressure on them to do things better. And being a clean operator, unfortunately, isn’t a priority in this business model.”

Nick Piatek, a spokesman for Hilcorp, said the company “spends substantial capital retrofitting and refurbishing aging equipment” at its newly-acquired sites and that its investments would eventually bring down emissions while extending the life of those assets. “We inherit those emissions,” he said.

The analysis, carried out by the energy consultancy M.J. Bradley & Associates using data that companies are required to submit to the E.P.A. Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program, highlights the climate risk from methane.

The main component of natural gas, methane can warm the planet more than 80 times as much as the same amount of carbon dioxide over a 20-year period if it escapes into the atmosphere before being burned. A recent United Nations report singled out the oil and gas industry as holding the greatest potential to cut its emissions from methane, and the Biden administration is in the process of reinstating methane regulations relaxed by President Donald J. Trump.

A BP pipeline and workers in the Prudhoe Bay oil field in 2006. Last year, Hilcorp Energy bought BP’s oil and gas business in Alaska.
Al Grillo/Associated Press

Blackbeard Operating said that a recent review had revealed the company had overstated its emissions to the E.P.A. and would soon update its numbers. It said one of Blackbeard’s top priorities was reducing emissions from its operations. Terra Energy declined to comment. Flywheel Energy and Scout Energy did not respond to requests for comment.

The analysis also comes with significant caveats. The E.P.A. data, from 2019, includes emissions from drilling and fracking sites, but excludes emissions from offshore drilling, as well as some parts of the oil and gas supply chain like pipelines or processing plants. Recent research has shown that the official data is likely to greatly underestimate actual emissions from oil and gas production, in part because it does not properly account for leaks from equipment, which can be a significant source of emissions. Poorly maintained sites often mean more leaks that go undetected for longer, making them highly polluting.

Still, the findings allow for comparisons between producers in a way other disclosures of emissions do not, underscoring how greenhouse gas emissions can vary dramatically between operators, experts said.

“A comparison is only as good as the actual company-level data is, ” said Drew Shindell, professor of earth science at Duke University and the lead author of the United Nations report on methane. “That said, I do think it’s interesting to see that some of the various high-emissions intensity come from fairly small players that probably hardly anybody’s ever heard of.”

An E.P.A. spokeswoman, Enesta Jones, said the agency was “always working to improve and build on” ways to track emissions.

The new analysis also shows how, as oil and gas giants start a long-awaited shift away from fossil fuels, they are shedding some of their most polluting assets to companies that provide almost no transparency into their operations.

“You’ve got an industry that is, in a sense, managing its decline,” said Kathy Hipple, a finance professor at Bard College. “It’s going to be ugly.”

When ConocoPhillips sold off its old gas wells in the San Juan Basin in northwestern New Mexico to Hilcorp Energy in 2017, it offloaded a struggling and aging operation that had weighed on its bottom line. The fossil fuel giant also rid itself of heavily polluting assets.

That year, ConocoPhillips reported that its greenhouse gas emissions had fallen by some 20 percent. In 2018, it became a founding member of the Climate Leadership Council, a coalition of businesses calling for a carbon tax.

But those emissions didn’t simply vanish. Hilcorp Energy, owned by the Houston-based billionaire Jeff Hildebrand, was a top polluter, according to the E.P.A. data.

According to the new analysis, Hilcorp, which has grown by buying up decades-old oil and gas assets, has the highest methane emissions in the country, despite being the 13th-largest gas producer. Hilcorp’s methane emissions intensity, or leak rate, was almost six times higher than the average of the top 30 producers, largely caused by high emissions from its aging San Juan operations.

“So nothing changed from the perspective of the climate, even though it certainly made ConocoPhillips look a lot better,” said Mr. Logan of Ceres.

ConocoPhillips said it was unable to comment on the accuracy of the analysis but also said that the company had emissions reduction targets consistent with the Paris Agreement goal of keeping global temperature rise to less than 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels.

The offloading of aging, high-polluting assets by big fossil fuel companies will very likely intensify. Rystad Energy, an Oslo-based energy consultancy, forecast that, by the end of the decade, the world’s largest oil and gas companies will divest from more than $100 billion of assets as they adjust to the energy transition. Last year, Hilcorp bought BP’s oil and gas business in Alaska.

“The global energy market is on the brink of a major transition to cleaner sources of energy” and oil majors are looking “to streamline their portfolios significantly,” the Rystad analysts said last year. “As a result, several billions of dollars in assets are about to change hands.”

Chet Strange for The New York Times

Terra Energy Partners, backed by investment fund Warburg Pincus, joined the fracking boom in 2015 and became one of the largest natural gas producers in Colorado.

Firms like Terra aimed to make quick money by buying up oil and gas production sites, ramping up production and selling them off for a neat profit. But these ventures have struggled as a production glut caused natural gas prices to slump. The Covid-19 pandemic threw the industry into further disarray.

To cope, Terra has reduced operating expenses at its oil and gas production sites by about 30 percent, allowing the company to generate significant cash flow and return capital to shareholders despite weak natural gas prices. Terra, now ranks fourth in the industry in methane emissions, above the fossil fuel giant BP, despite producing less than a fifth of its output. Warburg Pincus declined to comment.

Terra’s private equity peers, Flywheel Energy, Blackbeard Operating and Scout Energy are also among the top ten methane emitters. Overall, the 195 smallest producers included in the report collectively account for just 9 percent of production, but they are responsible for 22 percent of total reported emissions. Bankruptcies have also surged, raising concerns over a rising number of orphaned or abandoned wells.

Now, as oil prices rebound, there is concern that these private equity-backed firms will try a final move to squeeze as much as they can from their investment. Private shale drilling and fracking has been a primary driver in the recent rise in U.S. oil and gas drilling.

“When profits are getting squeezed, cash flows are getting squeezed, said Ms. Hipple, the Bard professor, “the safety protocols, the pollution, don’t get attended to the way they should.”

To be sure, the large producers remain huge emitters. For greenhouse gas emissions overall, Exxon Mobil reported the industry’s highest numbers in 2019, a record that is expected to become a top priority as the company contends with two climate-focused directors recently elected to its board by shareholders increasingly wary of its exposure to climate risks. Many of the oil and gas giants have joined voluntary, industrywide initiatives to reduce emissions.

Experts point out that leak detection and monitoring technology has grown more sophisticated in recent years, and scientists expect to soon use satellites to monitor methane emissions from space in real time. Replacing outdated equipment that uses gas pressure to operate equipment at sites that don’t have electricity would also reduce methane releases, as would better maintaining storage tanks and compressors, and eliminating flaring and venting.

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They Kept Schools Running as Covid Raged: ‘We Had to Be Here’ - The New York Times

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When the nation’s largest school system shuttered last spring, the one million students that had flooded its classrooms were abruptly sent home. Tens of thousands of teachers had just a few days to collect their papers and prepare for online classes before schools were mostly emptied. But in the absence of children and educators, there was a vast and often unseen force of essential school staff that never left New York City’s 1,800 school buildings.

A network of staffers — including cooks, custodians, maintenance workers and nurses — became part of something like a wartime effort to keep city schools clean, functioning and ready to eventually welcome children back.

As this disrupted school year draws to a close, parents, educators and students are looking forward to the return of normal schooling in September. But the city would not have been able to safely reopen schools at all without the grueling, dangerous work done by employees in cramped basement offices, boiler rooms and kitchens.

Here are four of their stories.

P.S. 276, Manhattan

During the worst weeks of the pandemic last spring, when many New Yorkers stopped leaving their homes altogether, Theresa DiCristi did what she always does. She set her alarm for 2:30 a.m. and climbed onto a deserted Long Island Railroad car from her small town long before the sun rose. She would arrive by 5:30 at Public School 276, in the shadow of the World Trade Center, and unlock the front door of the empty building.

Then, she brought the school to life. As she fielded text messages from nervous friends and relatives, checking in to see if she was OK, Ms. DiCristi flipped the lights on and checked to make sure there were no issues with the boiler or the air conditioning, and that no mysterious water leaks had emerged overnight.

She and her team cleaned the hallways and cafeteria until they were sparkling, made sure dust didn’t pile up in classrooms, and distributed masks and hand sanitizer to families who came to pick up hot lunches.

The building felt as deserted as the sidewalk outside, but Ms. DiCristi knew she couldn’t leave the school unattended for long. She learned that lesson from her late father, a longtime custodial engineer in Brooklyn, who taught her how to do the job when she was a child. A framed photograph of him sits above her desk.

Ms. DiCristi was delighted when many of the school’s students returned last fall. “It was just like, thank you. We’re a school again, this is fantastic,” she said.

To prepare the school for the students, Ms. DiCristi and her team inspected every corner of each classroom, scrubbing down surfaces with new high-tech cleaners sent by the city.

Her school has only had a few positive virus cases since the students returned, and she said she’s looking forward to having all the students back in September.

“As long as we know that the kids are happy and the teachers are happy,” she said, “that’s what we’re here for.”


Bronx Schools

Just days after Robert Williams recovered from a serious bout of Covid-19 last March, he was back in school buildings, overseeing a team of carpenters who spent weeks in vacant school gymnasiums, building coffins for the hundreds of New Yorkers dying of the virus each day.

Mr. Williams, who manages all maintenance work for all Bronx schools, didn’t have time to absorb just how overwhelming — and risky — his job had become.

“You couldn’t really think about yourself, because if you did, you wouldn’t come in, because you were scared,” he said. But, he added, “you don’t get to walk away from this.”

By the summer, Mr. Williams was working every night and through the weekends to make sure school buildings were safe to welcome children back in the fall.

That meant a mad dash to check that every single window in every school in the borough could be opened to let in fresh air — but also to ensure that they didn’t open so wide that a child could accidentally fall out. His team checked every one of the thousands of windows three times before the first day of school.

They also cleaned ducts that had been gathering dust for years, and repaired fans and vents.

Mr. Williams remembered the frustration of having multiple mechanics trying to fix a faulty vent or fan in a classroom, only to report over a walkie-talkie that they still couldn’t feel fresh air. But there was nothing, he said, like the feeling of his team members shouting, “I got it! I feel it!” through the radio when air rushed in: a sign that the fix finally worked.

Mr. Williams said the last year of work has been the most gratifying of his life.

Now, when he passes a Bronx school and sees children walking through the front door, or families lined up to get hot lunches, he thinks, “Nobody knows who I am.” But he doesn’t mind.

“They don’t know that I just fixed that door so that they can get in, they don’t know that I just did the concrete, they don’t know that I got the ventilation working” he said. “When I walk by, my heart opens up.”


Star Academy at P.S. 368, Brooklyn

“This is Cam Hawkins, the school nurse at Star Academy. First of all, your child is fine.”

That’s how Mr. Hawkins starts nearly all of his calls to parents of sick children. He knows those calls can be stressful even during normal times because all the students he serves have complex disabilities. But this year, it sometimes felt like families’ anxiety about the virus was radiating through the phone.

Even when some students spiked fevers over 100 degrees in his office or when weekly testing in schools revealed the occasional positive case, Mr. Hawkins knew a big part of his job was to project calm. But the worst days of the pandemic have given him much deeper ambitions for what a school nurse could do.

Over the last year, nurses across the city were dispatched anywhere they were most urgently needed. Mr. Hawkins was assigned night shifts at a nursing home where most patients were on ventilators, either because of Covid or another medical issue. Riding his bicycle from his home in the Fort Greene neighborhood of Brooklyn to an East Harlem nursing home, Mr. Hawkins would think about what he could do to make sure his future students at Star Academy didn’t end up like the patients he was caring for.

“That weighed on my mind,” he said. “I thought, what is it that I can do that, 40 or 50 years later, this child will be in a better position if I can start doing that now.”

Mr. Hawkins started at the school last fall, its first full-time nurse in two years. He has made it his mission to get to know each student, often standing outside the building as school buses arrive to greet children, making notes of the names mentioned over the public announcement system. He wants to match the children’s names to their faces, but also get to know their personalities and quirks.

Mr. Hawkins is already excited to see all students back on the first day of school.

“Sept. 13 is the day everyone is looking forward to,” he said.


P.S. 159, BRONX

It’s easy for Stephen Ali to spot a hungry child, those students who linger for a few moments after he hands them their milk cartons in the morning or pizza slices at lunch.

“I say, ‘If you need another one, take another one, it’s there,’” said Mr. Ali. “‘You want two, you take two.’” Second helpings are officially frowned up, but Mr. Ali knows just how hard it is to teach a student who hasn’t had enough to eat. Before he immigrated to the Bronx nearly a decade ago, he was an elementary schoolteacher in his native Guyana for almost 30 years.

“If they’re hungry, they’re going to sleep and they won’t be able to concentrate on what they’re doing,” said Mr. Ali. “They’re thinking about food, so we give them the food.”

Mr. Ali has had a hectic schedule since he started working at Public School 159 in 2014: On a normal day he arrives at school around 7 a.m., a half-hour before his shift starts, to prepare breakfast for the students. By 10:30, children begin lining up for lunch.

Even though his schedule was disrupted by the pandemic, Mr. Ali and the school’s cook began preparing meals for anyone in the community who needed them, as part of the city’s push to ramp up food distribution for vulnerable New Yorkers.

Each morning when Mr. Ali walks up a flight of stairs from the kitchen to the school’s entrance to drop off cheese sandwiches and zucchini bread, he sees a line of his neighbors already gathered outside. He sometimes passes them again during his afternoon walk home, from the school to the apartment he shares with his sister and brother-in-law.

He tried to keep his family safe during the height of the pandemic by tucking a bottle of hand sanitizer into his green apron and slipping a tissue under his surgical mask for extra protection.

“We had to do what we had to do,” he said.

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Dharmendra's Wednesday morning looks like this; shares garden, farmhouse view - The Tribune

Tribune Web Desk
Chandigarh, June 2

Veteran actor Dharmendra on Wednesday posted a new clip from his farmhouse. The clip gives a tour of the property and the gardens.

Along with this, we also see a happy Dharmendra getting an almond hair oil massage.

"Good Morning Friends. Almond oil massage is good in the morning I am doing it regularly," he wrote in a tweet.

In the clip, large bushes of bougainvillea could be seen with golden hues of the sun rising behind distant hills.

A short glimpse of the farmhouse is also shown. The verandah is full of colourful flowers and plants, with a seating area near the door.

Dharmendra's fans also wished him a good morning.

"Good morning my LORD DHARAM SIR Thanks For Sharing this Lovely video of yours. Keep sharing this kind of lovely videos with us.. LOVE YOU VERY VERY MUCH. TAKE CARE OF YOURSELF," wrote one.

"Good morning sir, aapne to farmhouse bahut sundar bana diya hai, bahut achha nazara hai, bilkul alag shanti bhara mahaul , butterfly or ye birds ki aawaz, adbhut (You made a really pretty farmhouse. Such beautiful views with peaceful atmosphere and sounds of birds and butterflies. Wonderful)," wrote another.

Dharmendra's farm is in Lonavala near Mumbai. While his family—wife Hema Malini, sons Sunny and Bobby and daughters Ahana and Esha—stay in the city, he prefers to be at the farmhouse.

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Tuesday, June 1, 2021

Dwight Williamson: We don't have sheriff candidates like this anymore - The Logan Banner

It was 1936 in Logan County and there was much going on at the local level just as the entire nation was rebounding from what would later be termed “the Great Depression.” The Logan Banner headlines early that year were filled with gruesome murders and dastardly deeds of all kinds, as thousands of Logan Countians — a mixture of various nationalities from across the world — were encased in the hills and hollows in the lands of the Guyandotte; many of them toiling, and too many of them dying, in the coal mines of the mountainous area.

With the Prohibition Era over, numerous so-called beer joints had sprung up in just about every part of Logan County. And with liquor then being available at state-run liquor stores, there still remained many people who preferred to illegally make their own. Beer joints, restaurants and some hotels were constantly being raided for selling liquor, and moonshiners were still being corralled by federal and state forces. Despite all of the negative aspects of the time period, the county somehow continued to grow while the world was slowly moving forward toward a world war that would compel America to rely upon the coal miners to thwart the villainous efforts of Adolph Hitler.

Plans for the opening of a new post office in Logan were in the making and the opening of a brand new G.C. Murphy’s store on Stratton Street had been announced. The location, which would become more commonly called the “Dime Store,” was the most popular location in the county as it helped to liberate residents from the tyranny of coal company-owned stores by providing low-priced quality merchandise. Murphy’s stores, which were scattered throughout the Appalachian coal fields in small towns, also preceded fast food chains with their lunch counters that provided quick and inexpensive food. Many older local residents, undoubtedly, still have fond memories of the Logan Dime Store that was in downtown Logan.

For history’s sake, it should be noted that the G.C. Murphy Company originally leased the 75-foot frontage (that featured three store fronts) from B.L and Katie Holland, whose last name still is displayed on the outside of the second floor of the Holland building on Stratton Street constructed in 1910. This same building was described as the scandalous home of the “Amen” or “Key” Club during the 1932 Mamie Thurman murder trial. The second floor portion of the structure (where the club reportedly operated) was not leased to Murphy’s. However, 60 feet of the back portions of the second and third floors were leased.

Other important developments in 1936 included the opening of the new Logan Theatre in Logan; the Princess Aracoma Memorial being placed at the courthouse; $3,500,000 improvements to the Appalachian Power plant; the openings of two new Island Creek Company stores at both Holden and Whitman; the opening of Mecca Drive-In at Stollings; and unfortunately, the worst coal mine disaster ever in the county at the time, which occurred at MacBeth on Rum Creek.

While this was happening, there was other news taking the headlines — such as, a 14-year-old girl poisoning her entire family because she was not allowed to date; a 28-year-old man murdering his 14-year-old wife three days after their wedding, and another man, 29, beating and robbing a 75-year-old gentleman near Rum Creek before running him over with his automobile. Although all of this and much more was going on, it was politics as usual that captivated Logan County citizens.

The 1936 election, like so many other local elections before and after, was a brutal affair that wound up in court actions where every illegal activity imaginable was brought forth. This story, as well as stories about the above mentioned murders, shall be told in future editions of this newspaper. However, for now, allow me to set the tone of the times by re-telling the story of one man who was a candidate for sheriff in 1936.

The man’s name was Russell Stollings. A resident of Harts Creek, Stollings, a Democrat, took advantage of the term “New Deal,” which was the description of then President Franklin Roosevelt’s nationwide recovery plan for the Depression. Stollings’ platform was called “A Big and Better Deal.” Here’s the candidate’s announcement in his own words:

“To the citizens, and all other voters of Logan County, I, Russell Stollings, being a member of one of the oldest families in Logan County, rise and extend my honest hand in a good and warm handshake.

“Yes, I am a candidate for SHERIFF on the Democratic ticket in our good county, and all it takes to make me sheriff is an (X) beside my name in the ballot. I am telling this so some well-paid and crooked poll clerk won’t steal the vote you cast for me.

“Where I live out on Harts Creek, it can easily be seen the need of a man like myself in the sheriff’s office. At the present time, all you hear about is the New deal, and the new song ‘wheels go round and round, hi ho.’ I stand for a BIG AND BETTER DEAL. Years ago out our way we could pull big deals often, and many times involving 40 or 50 gallons at a good price. Now, we feel lucky if we can sell a gallon a week.

“If elected to the office of HIGH SHERIFF, I promise that my first official act will be to padlock the Logan liquor store and several other places that sell the vile stuff in the pretty colored bottles. Then there will be a demand for our good old Harts Creek moonshine. (That’s what you call High Finance.)

“As to my education and ability, I am not a college graduate, however, my Uncle George sent me to take a post graduate school out in Ohio for two years. I graduated as a master distiller and majored in fermentation.

“I also promise to all my friends and co-partners that when the government snoopers come into the county looking for stills, I will either head them to a dry hole or to some Republican’s still. As my campaign manager, I have my brother, Harvey Stollings, who is now Constable of Chapmanville District. Harve is feared by all crooks and barked at by all the dogs.

“Now, all that wish to contribute to my campaign, known as a BIG AND BETTER DEAL, get in touch with my brother, Harve. We need cash and lots of moonshine to win this or any other poll.”

Several weeks later, Stollings announced that he had visited Logan and that several “big shot” politicians had induced him to withdraw from the race. Stollings, who was likely paid to withdraw, declared that he was back in the race and even said who he planned to hire as his Chief Deputy.

“I know that many will be after me for jobs, which are always dished out by the sheriff,” Stollings said. “I plan on hiring as my Chief Deputy a clean upright well-known man, and unless someone offers me more money for the job, I expect to appoint Leo Mooney, the ‘rattlesnake man.’ Leo won’t have to even carry a gun.”

The candidate also announced that if elected to the office of sheriff, “I plan on organizing what will be known as the ‘Drunkard’s Lodge.’ This fraternal order will be open to mine employees only.

The dues in the lodge will be $2.00 a half, which will be deducted by the company where the members are employed,” he further explained. “As Treasurer and President, all dues will be paid directly to me. Each member of the lodge will wear a brass check hung around his neck. On this check will be his number, name and where he works. Should this member get drunk and land in jail, say, on a Saturday night, Sunday morning I will go to the jail, and all members of my Drunkard’s Lodge, if sober, will be taken home by deputies. As you know, in some mines in this field the coal is so low that after a man works all week in one he has to get drunk to stand up straight.

“I am quite sure this will meet the approval of the mine officials and employees of the field. However, I expect many complaints from the Justice of the Peace officials,” Stollings concluded.

The Harts Creek candidate must have been bought off again because when the final results were tallied in the 1936 primary election, his name was not on the ballot. However, two opposing candidates — Everett Workman and Simon Dingess — were, and when all of the dust had cleared following court proceedings that involved numerous people’s testimonies, the winner was counted out, and a man who had just returned from prison was blamed for it all.

The man’s name (you might ask) was none other than the notorious and yet beloved former Logan Sheriff— Don Chafin.

Another Memorial Day holiday has passed and with the annual Hatfield-McCoy Marathon scheduled in Matewan and Williamson on June 9, I find it interesting that Logan County is still sitting back and watching as other areas, including Pikeville, Kentucky, take advantage of the tourist-attracting ideas that are bringing in the people and money from across the world.

I find it downright ridiculous that near Lewisburg, West Virginia, one can purchase microbrewery beer called “Devil Anse,” and as you enter into Pike County, Kentucky, from Mingo County, a monument welcomes you to Pike County — “Home of the Hatfield-McCoy Feud.” There’s a Hatfield-McCoy reunion held every year in that area, and tons of people come to Mingo and Pike counties for related Hatfield-McCoy events.

In good old Logan County, we do have, like other southern West Virginia counties, the Hatfield-McCoy Trails that have helped to stimulate the economy in certain parts of the area. Of course, we still have thousands of people annually, including loaded tour buses that visit the Hatfield Cemetery at Sarah Ann, mainly to view the remarkable statue of Devil Anse himself. Unfortunately, some of those people are physically unable to traverse the dirt road to the cemetery.

I know that there have been plans started to make the Hatfield Cemetery and its surroundings what it deserves to be — a wonderful stopover point for any visitor, including the school children of Logan County — all of whom should at some point in their school lives be allowed to visit the world famous feudal leader’s final resting place and to discover the true local history surrounding the very county in which they likely were born.

I am not privy to exactly what the plans are for the Hatfield Cemetery, but I have copies of two deeds in which the Logan County Commission has purchased property near the Hatfield Cemetery, including a 4.82-acre tract adjacent to the cemetery that is one of three places in Logan County listed on the National Historic Register — the Don Chafin House in Logan and the steam engine locomotive at Chief Logan State Park being the others.

In addition to the above-mentioned deeds, there is also a lease agreement signed by the Logan County Commission Oct. 5, 2014, with the heirs of the Hatfield family in regard to the upkeep of the cemetery premises. That agreement expired at midnight December 31, 2019.

The following is an e-mail sent by Joe Browning, a resident of North Carolina and the great-grandson of Devil Anse Hatfield, to Debrina Williams, executive director of the Logan County Chamber of Commerce. Now approaching 90 years old, here’s what Joe had to say about his holiday visit.

“Debrina, my wife and I managed another Hatfield cemetery visit Memorial Day. We were pleased to find that the gravesites had been cleared of weeds, but disappointed to find, once again, that the bridge was still blocked and muddy, and nothing yet done to improve the access path up the hill.

“There were 20 or more ATV vehicles and their riders parked on both sides of the road, all who expressed great interest in the “Feud Story” and the memorabilia documents that I had for them to view and take pictures of, etc. I am unable to fathom why the state/county is so reluctant to make the necessary improvements to make the cemetery a “welcoming” place for tourists to visit.

“I hope all is well with you and your family.”

“Kind regards, Joe.”

Dwight Williamson serves as magistrate in Logan County. He writes a weekly column for HD Media.

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2021 Shell Freedom Over Texas: What might the celebration for this year's 4th of July event look like? - KTRK-TV

HOUSTON, Texas (KTRK) -- Like 2020's quarantined Fourth of July, this year's huge public signature celebration is on hold once again as we continue battling COVID-19.

So what will the Shell Freedom Over Texas event look like this year?

Last year, the city of Houston celebrated the holiday with a virtual broadcast. This year's celebration will once again be a live-streamed event.

"Houston is a resilient city. The last 14 months have been tough, but we, once again, persevered," Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner said Tuesday during the announcement. "This year, the Shell Freedom over Texas will once again be a live televised and streaming event on ABC13, with incredible entertainment and incredible fireworks display."

Though it will be a televised event, Houstonians can still enjoy the city's tradition of music and patriotic moments through the live broadcast. Open spaces and neighborhood parks with a view of the downtown skyline are ideal, according to the city. Eleanor Tinsley Park will be open for viewing to families who wish to park downtown and walk.

However, gatherings and barbecues are not allowed.

"Six weeks ago, we couldn't forecast we would be where we are today. It takes time to move forward and we're going to do so as best we can," Turner said."


So who will be performing at this year's celebration? Special guests include the following:
  • Lee Brice: Brice is one of only two artists to become members of Pandora's "Billionaires Club" as the most-played country artists of all time on the format.
  • Jimmie Allen: Allen is the first Black solo performer to win this distinction. The multi-platinum selling artist released his debut album Mercury Lane in 2018 and made history as the first Black artist to launch a career with consecutive No. 1 songs.
  • Alanis Sophia: From the most recent season of American Idol.
  • Brian Jack & the Zydeco Gamblers: A group with its southwest Louisiana sound mixed with the emerging sounds of R&B.
  • Houston Symphony and Houston Methodist Singers: Will hold a special patriotic moment.

Each year, Shell Freedom Over Texas donates a portion of the proceeds to the Houston Food Bank. This year, the city will feature a "Text to Give" campaign to help the food bank.

The Shell Freedom Over Texas celebration is a cherished Houston event celebrating the birth of our nation.

Copyright © 2021 KTRK-TV. All Rights Reserved.

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