The case against Trump is starting to come into focus. Here's what we know - CNN

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(CNN)The Department of Justice doesn't want you to believe what former President Donald Trump says about the classified documents found squirreled away at Mar-a-Lago.

So rather than let the former President play up an "incomplete and inaccurate narrative" about the classified documents, government lawyers have shown some of them to us.

A photo of a spread of classified documents laid out on the floor as evidence at Mar-a-Lago is one of the many tantalizing breadcrumbs included in a new court filing by the DOJ late Tuesday night. We still don't know what's in the documents.

The larger picture is coming together. These piecemeal details help form a picture of the case the DOJ could potentially bring against Trump and his associates.

Government prosecutors included the photo evidence, presumably taken during the August 8 search of Trump's Florida residence, in a filing that aims to squash his effort to slow down their case.

• Read the document.
• See takeaways from CNN's Jeremy Herb, Marshall Cohen and Tierney Sneed.

Trump wants to get back some of the documents seized by the FBI and let an independent third party sift through them to make sure they don't include information covered by attorney-client privilege. The strange legal term for the third party is "special master."

The government says Trump's request came too late. Specifically, 14 days after the search and after the DOJ had already completed its review of all the documents seized from Mar-a-Lago.

Still, the Trump-appointed judge overseeing the former President's lawsuit against the government had earlier suggested she was leaning toward appointing a special master. This forceful and detailed finding could complicate that inclination.

In a response filed Wednesday, Trump's lawyers argued the National Archives should have expected to find classified information in the presidential records at Mar-a-Lago and that they should have tried for longer to get the documents from Trump rather than referring a criminal probe to the Justice Department. Read more.

A hearing is scheduled for Thursday in Florida at 1 p.m. ET.

This filing was not redacted. The revelations in the Tuesday night filing come less than a week after the Department of Justice released a highly redacted affidavit that was used to justify the search warrant executed on Trump's property.

But there's more to learn here. In addition to the photo of classified documents, the DOJ's filing alleges Trump's team has misled the public, outlines how Trump's lawyers have only recently argued he had the power to declassify documents found on his property and alleges the FBI found more classified documents in the search than were handed over voluntarily by Trump -- even though Trump's team told the FBI it had done a thorough search.

Importantly, the DOJ argues it tried for months to get Trump to turn over documents in a process laid out in the Presidential Records Act, even after it began a criminal investigation into the handling of the classified documents.

There's still so much we don't know. For starters, how did the government come to realize that documents had been held back and not turned over to the National Archives?

CNN has reported there is a witness and also that CCTV footage from Mar-a-Lago was obtained by the FBI.

The Department of Justice refers to "multiple sources of evidence" that confirmed this finding and says in its filing that it can't disclose this information while the investigation is ongoing.

A months-long effort led to deception allegation. The filing details multiple interactions between DOJ lawyers and Trump's team as the National Archives and then the FBI worked to recover the classified documents from Mar-a-Lago and also pursued their criminal investigation.

The DOJ and FBI became convinced they had been misled after Trump initially turned over 15 boxes of documents, some of which we know from previous legal filings contained multiple Top Secret documents.

Concealed, removed and in Trump's office desks. The DOJ alleges that material related to the case may have been "concealed and removed" from the storage room where it had been kept after a grand jury issued a subpoena for additional documents in May.

FBI agents were asked to meet Trump's attorney at Mar-a-Lago on June 3, when they were given an envelope containing more classified documents.

Agents needed new permission to view documents. Indeed, during the August 8 Mar-a-Lago search, three classified documents were found "in the desks in the '45 Office,'" according to the filing.

After the search of Mar-a-Lago, FBI agents realized they didn't have the security clearance to be looking at the stuff, and they had to get special permission to view them.

Key line from the filing. "That the FBI, in a matter of hours, recovered twice as many documents with classification markings as the 'diligent search' that the former President's counsel and other representatives had weeks to perform calls into serious question the representations made in the June 3 certification and casts doubt on the extent of cooperation in this matter."

Lawyers in trouble? Experts interviewed on CNN said the allegations in the filing could implicate not only Trump, but also his lawyers.

"This filing, which is quite comprehensive, really highlights the fact that they are being looked at potentially for obstructing the investigation, and they're in an impossible position," said the former federal prosecutor and CNN legal analyst Shanlon Wu, appearing on "Inside Politics" on Wednesday.

Sleuthing the photograph. The brightly colored images in the photograph denote different types of classification, although it's not clear what's underneath. The markings indicate some of the documents were concerned with human sources. Others had to do with electronic surveillance and spy satellites.

"These are the most prized possessions of the intelligence community, of the CIA in particular," said CNN's senior justice correspondent Evan Perez, appearing on "Inside Politics."

"This is their bread and butter, and they have to protect it," he said.

CNN's Josh Campbell and Katie Bo Lillis have a very good dissection of what you can actually see in the documents and what it tells us. See that here.

Trump was on a tear on social media. Still claiming he had previously declassified the documents, Trump also criticized that they were arranged "haphazardly" on the floor.

While Trump makes his case on his social media platform, his lawyers will be making his legal case in federal court on Thursday, hoping to beat back the DOJ's filing and get a "special master" who could slow things down.

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'Avoid these 2 resume words at all costs,' says career expert—here are 35 'power verbs' companies want to see - CNBC

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You only get less than 7.5 seconds to grab a hiring manager's attention when they read your resume for the first time.

As a career coach who has helped hundreds of people polish their resumes and land jobs, I've seen too many candidates focus mostly on formatting, such as the font, spacing and page count.

But words matter more. According to Harvard resume experts, your chances of getting noticed are much higher when you use strong, actionable and confident verbs.

This also means knowing what to keep off, and the two words I always tell people to remove from their resumes are: "responsible for."

"Responsible for": Avoid these 2 resume words at all costs

Being responsible for something is just a circumstance. Saying you were "responsible for [X]" is a weak and generic way to describe your abilities and accomplishments.

Of course you had responsibilities. Doesn't everyone? And if not, then did you really bring any value to the company?

I also advise staying away from general office buzzwords and confusing phrases. These are words that you might hear people say all the time, but are often incredibly vague.

A few examples:

• Deep dive
• Drill down
• Flesh out
• Game plan
• Hard worker
• Move the needle
• Moving parts
• Synergize
• Team player
• Think outside the box

Power words that do belong on your resume

Here are 35 strong, confident and truly descriptive resume words that companies want to see:

Resume words for leadership

1. Directed
2. Managed
3. Spearheaded
4. Supervised
5. Trained

Resume words teamwork

6. Collaborated
7. Contributed
8. Joined
9. Integrated
10. Synchronized

Resume words for achievement

11. Accomplished
12. Completed
13. Delivered
14. Established
15. Formulated

Resume words for communication

16. Authored
17. Connected
18. Defined
19. Illustrated
20. Presented

Resume words for improvement

21. Advanced
22. Boosted
23. Enhanced
24. Increased
25. Maximized

Resume words for research

26. Assessed
27. Identified
28. Mapped
29. Tested
30. Verified

Resume words for creativity

31. Built
32. Constructed
33. Designed
34. Developed
35. Inspired

Ken Coleman is the bestselling author of "From Paycheck to Purpose" and host of "The Ken Coleman Show." Known as "America's Career Coach," he helps people discover how to do work they love and produce impactful results. Follow him on Twitter @KenColeman.

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‌Here’s how Tesla’s first battery cathode factory progress is going - Electrek

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Tesla has so many projects going on at the same time that i is often easy for one to be forgotten – like the fact that it is currently building a big battery cathode material factory in Texas.

A new drone flyover shows that the building is coming together.

Things move quickly in Texas.

It was only back in February 2022 that we learned that Tesla applied for building permits on a new project called ‘Project Cathode’ next to Gigafactory Texas in Austin.

Now a drone flyover of the Gigafactory Texas campus shows that the building that is going to house Tesla’s battery cathode factory is already coming together.

Joe Tegtmeyer, who regularly flies drones over Gigafactory Texas, flew over the new ‘Project Cathode’ building that is rising fast:

Obviously, it is not as big as the main Gigafactory Texas building, which is one of the biggest in the world, but it is quite a large building on 3 stories for its sole purpose of producing cathode battery material:

Tesla originally announced plans to build its own “cathode facility” during its “Battery Day” presentation in 2020.

Drew Baglino, Senior Vice President of Engineering, said at the time:

We’re gonna go and start building our own cathode facility in North America and leveraging all of the North American resources that exist for nickel and lithium, and just doing that, just localizing our cathode supply chain and production, we can reduce miles traveled by all the materials that end up in the cathode by 80%.

At Battery Day, Tesla unveiled a new cathode chemistry that allows for a much more simple and cheaper production.

It was later revealed that Tesla acquired the technology from a Canadian startup.

In an update on its progress in producing its new 4680 battery cell last month, Te

Tesla has since made moves to also secure lithium and nickel supply from North American sources, including deals with Piedmont Lithium and Talon Metals.

With the reform of the tax credit including new eligibility criteria that include both sourcing battery minerals and components in North America or in countries with free trade agreements with the US, Tesla would be in a great position by sourcing the minerals from those companies and producing its cathode at this new factory in Texas.

The new facility makes more sense from a logistic standpoint since the cathode material will then go into battery cells produced next door, but it will also likely secure significant incentives for Tesla buyers.

While this is Tesla’s first cathode factory, the automaker is expected to invest in several more once it has managed to hone its new production process.

---

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Art at a Time Like This to Present Fall Program EXCELSIOR Featuring 8 Artists - Broadway World

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64% of consumers are worried about 'shrinkflation.' What it is and how to watch for it while shopping - CNBC

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A customer shops in a Kroger grocery store on July 15, 2022 in Houston.

Brandon Bell | Getty Images

Many consumers have suffered sticker shock at the grocery store due to record high inflation.

But another surprise that's grabbing consumers' attention — and even trending on TikTok — is "shrinkflation."

Almost two-thirds, 64%, of all adults are worried about shrinkflation, according to a new survey from Morning Consult, while 54% have seen, heard or read something about the phenomenon.

Shrinkflation is 'getting less for the same price'

Shrinkflation happens when consumer products get smaller in weight, size or quantity while their prices stay the same or even increase.

Consumers have been pointing to examples of shrinkflation for months, amid record high inflation. The trend is taking hold now as companies face higher prices for gas and ingredients, as well as supply chain constraints, according to Emily Moquin, food and beverage analyst at Morning Consult.

Meanwhile, consumers are on high alert as prices have climbed higher, making them more sensitive to shrinkflation, according to Moquin.

"When you notice that the package is smaller or you're getting less for the same price, it's especially frustrating," Moquin said.

While shrinkflation is getting a lot of attention now, it's not new, as this kind of downsizing has been going on for decades, according to Edgar Dworsky, founder and editor of Consumer World.

"We're in the middle of a tidal wave of inflation, unfortunately, and so we're seeing more and more items that are shrinking," Dworsky said.

How consumers are reacting to shrinkflation

The top categories where consumers are noticing shrinkflation include snacks, pantry items, frozen foods, meat, and bread and pastries, according to Morning Consult's poll.

In response, 49% of consumers say they purchased a different brand, while 48% say they opted for a generic brand over a name brand, and 33% chose to buy in bulk rather than smaller packages. Some shoppers have stopped purchasing certain brands altogether, researched alternatives that are not impacted by shrinkflation or returned a "shrunken" product.

Of those who noticed shrinkflation, only 19% didn't take any action, Morning Consult found.

Admittedly, spotting shrinkflation can sometimes be difficult because of the subtle ways in which products are changed, according to Dworsky.

For example, a cereal box may appear the same size, but be thinner when you look at it from the side. A jar of peanut butter may go from 18 to 16.3 ounces, after the manufacturer puts an indent in the bottom of the container.

What you can do to avoid shrinkflation

Even when inflation and supply chain issues subside, the changes from shrinkflation will unfortunately likely be here to stay, according to Dworsky.

"It's very rare to see a product revert to its former larger size," he said.

For now, it's up to consumers to pay close attention to the products on store shelves.

"It's really up to shoppers to become more net-weight conscious," Dworsky said. When it comes to paper goods, net count is the measure consumers should watch, he said.

That way, you'll be more apt to spot a change when you go back to repurchase the product.

To try to avoid getting taken by shrinkflation, you can look to competing or generic brands, as respondents to the Morning Consult survey say they have done.

In addition, you can complain to the manufacturer, Dworsky said. While that likely won't be enough to stop shrinkflation, it may earn you some coupons toward your next purchase, he said.

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Country diary: Who would live in a keyhole like this? - The Guardian

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Double-A catcher makes leaping grab into netting - MLB.com

When you see a baseball player sizing up a ball at the wall, taking a leap of faith and making the grab, you usually expect it to be an outfielder. But seeing a catcher do that? Well, that's a bit like witnessing a shooting star.

The backstop for Double-A Richmond proved in a single play on Saturday night that catchers can be the best athletes on the field. Brett Auerbach made one of the most spectacular and difficult catches you'll see behind the plate on a popup near the entrance to the dugout on the third-base side. 

With perfect form, Auerbach took off his mask on contact, located the ball in the air and saw it headed for the stands behind the plate. When he got to about the on-deck circle, Auerbach could tell the ball was headed out of play faster than he could catch up to it, so he took a running jump not unlike Michael Jordan taking off from half court in "Space Jam."

Somehow, Auerbach timed the jump exactly right and caught the ball while landing in the netting. When he bounced back off it, the backstop pounded his chest protector one time, picked up the mask he'd left behind and headed back to his dugout as though he'd made this play a thousand times before. Oh, and then he went on to launch a three-run homer in the ninth inning. 

Just one small step for man, one giant leap for catchers everywhere.

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Parents are back to school shopping and it looks like this year may cost more on average - WWNY

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How to Like and Dislike Songs on Apple Music (And Why You Should) - MUO - MakeUseOf

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'I don’t expect it to be like that every single race weekend' says Verstappen after leading dominant Red Bull 1-2 - Formula 1

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'I don’t expect it to be like that every single race weekend' says Verstappen after leading dominant Red Bull 1-2  Formula 1

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Seattle Mariners rookie Julio Rodríguez on blockbuster contract - 'I love being here' - ESPN

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8:51 PM ET

• ESPN News Services

SEATTLE -- Julio Rodríguez was a few minutes late for his own party, the result of dealing with Seattle traffic that will be part of his daily routine at home for likely the next decade -- and potentially much longer.

When Rodríguez arrived Saturday to discuss his massive contract extension, several teammates and coaches who have embraced the 21-year-old in his debut season were seated in the back of the room.

"This is not about the contract and how long it is. I would love to be a Mariner for the rest of my career and playing for the Mariners fans," Rodríguez said. "I'd love to be here for the rest of my career, play with a lot of these guys here and be managed by Scott [Servais], have Ty [France] as my babysitter. I genuinely mean that. I love being here."

Rodríguez signed the 26th contract in baseball valued at $200 million or more on Friday, ensuring a long-term future as a cornerstone for the Mariners. It's a unique and complicated contract that could reach nearly $470 million, sources told ESPN's Jeff Passan, and is befitting a burgeoning star with the talent and charisma to entice a region desperate for winning baseball.

It wasn't lost on anyone in attendance that Rodríguez's deal in Seattle almost never happened. A last-second effort when Rodríguez signed in July 2017 at age 16 landed him in Seattle when it seemed like the Angels were his destination.

"It feels very cool to just drive around the city and see [No.] 44 jerseys," said Rodríguez, who hails from the Dominican Republic. "And it really touched my heart because, as I said, I come from a place, Loma de Cabrera, 20,000 people, and there was more people in the stands yesterday than was in my hometown. So it feels pretty special to me."

As much as the sides didn't want Saturday's event to focus on the contract, it is a unique deal. The first conversations happened in early July about whether Rodríguez would be interested in a deal that cemented his future in Seattle. The response from his representatives was that it had to be unique considering the player.

What started as a basic straightforward-type contract grew over the process of the conversations and it wasn't finished until just before the official announcement on Friday night.

"We started with something that looked very basic and came out with something that looked like hieroglyphics," Seattle president of baseball operations Jerry Dipoto said. "But again, the uniqueness of trying to capture what Julio has a chance to achieve in his career and to be fair with him about what that could look like in the end was a challenge."

There wasn't a back-and-forth. It was a collaborative evolution of the deal that considered Seattle's needs, Rodríguez's potential and created different points of flexibility.

But it is complicated.

At its most straightforward, the deal is a $209.3 million, 12-year contract starting next season. It could be worth $469.6 million over 17 years if he wins two MVP awards, sources said.

The contract includes seven seasons, a five-year player option, an eight-year club option with award escalators and the possibility the option could extend to 10 years.

Keep following.

If the club option is exercised, the deal would be worth $309.3 million for 12 years. If Rodríguez earns two MVP awards by 2028 or finishes among the top five in voting four times, the deal would boost to $469.6 million, including postseason award bonuses.

If Seattle turns down a one-time team option for 2030-37 -- which must be exercised after the 2028 World Series -- there is a mutual option that could be exercised after the 2029 Series calling for $168 million from 2030 to '36. There also is a player option that guarantees $90 million from 2030 to '34.

Get all that?

"The very first conversation set the tone," Rodríguez's representative, Ulises Cabrera, said in describing the development of the deal. "If we are going to look at this in the typical lens, that is not going to work. And so there's going to be points probably in this conversation that what I say won't make sense. And what you say won't make sense, either. But we're going to have to just be comfortable with that because, right now, we're kind of starting something that we don't have any blueprint to point to."

The contract also includes a full no-trade clause. Some of the escalators tied to the deal and MVP voting were suggestions from Rodríguez's side, and were betting on his continued upswing in production.

"There were a lot of pathways that helped us lead Julio to various stops along the way, and what could we do to recognize his potential at that [point]," Dipoto said. "And what we did was we focused on a variety of different contracts that had been done around the league and we stole from parts of those, and then we created something in that space, recognizing that no one's ever really done this before."

The Associated Press contributed to this story.

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Racial Slur During College Volleyball Game Leads to Fan Suspension - The New York Times

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A women’s volleyball game was moved on Saturday after a Duke University player who is Black was called a racial slur during a game the night before.

A Duke University women’s volleyball player who is Black was called a racial slur during a game Friday night in Utah, prompting Brigham Young University to ban a fan from sporting events and Duke University to change the venue of a tournament game on Saturday.

Marvin Richardson, the father of the Duke volleyball player, said in an interview late Saturday that a slur was repeatedly yelled from the stands as his daughter was serving, making her fear “the raucous crowd” could grow violent.

Mr. Richardson said his daughter cried to him over the phone on Friday night about the episode.

“Here we are,” Mr. Richardson, who said he grew up in Fort Worth when it was still desegregating, said in the interview. “It’s 2022, and we’re dealing with 1960s issues.”

After the episode occurred, a police officer was placed on Duke’s bench.

In a statement, the B.Y.U. athletics department said that the fan who was banned was sitting in the university’s student section during the game at the university’s arena in Provo, Utah, but was not a student. A B.Y.U. spokesman said the ban was for all university sporting events, but he was not sure whether a time frame had been worked out.

The statement said that Brigham Young was “extremely disheartened” by the actions of “a small number of fans” and that “the use of a racial slur at any of our athletic events is absolutely unacceptable.”

“We wholeheartedly apologize to Duke University and especially its student-athletes,” the statement said.

B.Y.U., whose student population is less than 1 percent Black, has struggled with creating an inclusive environment for its students of color, according to a February 2021 report by a university committee that studied race on campus.

The report found that the university lacked institutional support for its few students of color, failed to recruit and retain a diverse student body and had a faculty far less diverse than the national average, with less than 7 percent of faculty members being people of color.

In a statement, Duke University said officials moved the game on Saturday against Rider University from Brigham Young’s George Albert Smith Fieldhouse to a location in Provo meant to create the safest atmosphere for both teams.

The game, which was open only to staff and family members, is part of the same tournament, the doTERRA Classic, in which B.Y.U. played Duke. B.Y.U. won 3 games to 1.

“First and foremost, our priority is the well-being of Duke student-athletes,” Nina King, Duke’s vice president and director of athletics, said in the statement. “They should always have the opportunity to compete in an inclusive, anti-racist environment which promotes equality and fair play.”

Mr. Richardson said he instructed his daughter that if she faced a similar situation in the future she should immediately make sure an authority figure was aware. But his daughter, who is 19, told him that she was scared of the crowd and that the safest course would be to keep her head down and continue playing.

She didn’t only “feel the ping of the slurs but also fear of the crowd,” he said. “Because as the crowd got more hyped and the epithets kept coming, she wanted to respond back but she told me she was afraid that, if she did, the raucous crowd could very well turn into a mob mentality.”

His daughter, whom he did not want identified for fear of harassment, should not have borne that burden, he said. It was the responsibility of the home team, including the coach, to ensure the visiting players felt safe, Mr. Richardson said.

“I’ve seen coaches, from the likes of Coach K” — the Duke men’s basketball team’s storied coach, Mike Krzyzewski, who recently retired — “to preschool coaches, take the microphone and approach the crowd and indicate to them what is acceptable and not acceptable behavior and invite them to leave if they cannot respect their guests,” he said.

“That did not happen on Friday night.”

Jon McBride, a B.Y.U. spokesman, said in an email late Saturday that when Duke initially reported the behavior security and staff were unable to figure out who was hurling the slurs. It was not until after the game that Duke identified the individual who was subsequently banned, Mr. McBride said.

“The Duke players’ experience is what matters here,” he said. “They felt unsafe and hurt, and we were unable to address that during the game in a manner that was sufficient. For that, we truly do apologize, and we are examining our processes and practices to do everything in our power to make sure something like this doesn’t happen again.”

Mr. Richardson said that his daughter, a sophomore neuroscience major, is a strong and dynamic leader who played against Rider on Saturday night. The game, he said, had been moved to safer territory: a local high school gym.

“She’s still dealing with it,” he said, “but she’s doing it the way she knows best and that’s to immerse herself in the thing she is there to do: Help her team win.”

On Saturday night, in the high school gym with a small audience, Duke defeated Rider 3 games to 1.

McKenna Oxenden contributed reporting, and Jack Begg contributed research.

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YouTube Like It's 1970s France With This Minitel-VCR Mashup - Hackaday

When it’s not just sticking fake gears on things and calling it a day, the Steampunk look is pretty cool. Imagining technology in a world stuck with Victorian aesthetics is a neat idea, and one that translates to the look of other time periods — Fallout, anyone?

But what if you try to create a technological aesthetic based on a more recent and less celebrated time? That’s what [ghettobastler] has attempted with this somewhat bizarre Minitel-YouTube-VCR mash-up. Taking inspiration from a webcomic’s take on “Formicapunk,” modern tech based on the aesthetic of the wildly successful French videotex service of the 70s and 80s, the system uses a very cool Minitel 1B terminal and a Raspberry Pi 3.

A custom level-shifter for the Pi

With the help of a level-shifting circuit, the Mintel and the Pi talk over serial, allowing the terminal to be used as, well, a terminal for the Pi. Videos are downloaded from YouTube by the Pi, which sends the video to the VCR from its composite output, and controls the VCR with an IR LED that emulates the original remote. Come to think of it, just watch the video below — it’s probably easier than trying to describe it.

It’s weird, true, but we love the look of that Minitel terminal. Something about it just screams cyberdeck; if anyone has a spare one of these, get busy and put something together for our Cyberdeck Design Contest.

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Speech by Chair Powell on monetary policy and price stability - Federal Reserve

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Thank you for the opportunity to speak here today.

At past Jackson Hole conferences, I have discussed broad topics such as the ever-changing structure of the economy and the challenges of conducting monetary policy under high uncertainty. Today, my remarks will be shorter, my focus narrower, and my message more direct.

The Federal Open Market Committee's (FOMC) overarching focus right now is to bring inflation back down to our 2 percent goal. Price stability is the responsibility of the Federal Reserve and serves as the bedrock of our economy. Without price stability, the economy does not work for anyone. In particular, without price stability, we will not achieve a sustained period of strong labor market conditions that benefit all. The burdens of high inflation fall heaviest on those who are least able to bear them.

Restoring price stability will take some time and requires using our tools forcefully to bring demand and supply into better balance. Reducing inflation is likely to require a sustained period of below-trend growth. Moreover, there will very likely be some softening of labor market conditions. While higher interest rates, slower growth, and softer labor market conditions will bring down inflation, they will also bring some pain to households and businesses. These are the unfortunate costs of reducing inflation. But a failure to restore price stability would mean far greater pain.

The U.S. economy is clearly slowing from the historically high growth rates of 2021, which reflected the reopening of the economy following the pandemic recession. While the latest economic data have been mixed, in my view our economy continues to show strong underlying momentum. The labor market is particularly strong, but it is clearly out of balance, with demand for workers substantially exceeding the supply of available workers. Inflation is running well above 2 percent, and high inflation has continued to spread through the economy. While the lower inflation readings for July are welcome, a single month's improvement falls far short of what the Committee will need to see before we are confident that inflation is moving down.

We are moving our policy stance purposefully to a level that will be sufficiently restrictive to return inflation to 2 percent. At our most recent meeting in July, the FOMC raised the target range for the federal funds rate to 2.25 to 2.5 percent, which is in the Summary of Economic Projection's (SEP) range of estimates of where the federal funds rate is projected to settle in the longer run. In current circumstances, with inflation running far above 2 percent and the labor market extremely tight, estimates of longer-run neutral are not a place to stop or pause.

July's increase in the target range was the second 75 basis point increase in as many meetings, and I said then that another unusually large increase could be appropriate at our next meeting. We are now about halfway through the intermeeting period. Our decision at the September meeting will depend on the totality of the incoming data and the evolving outlook. At some point, as the stance of monetary policy tightens further, it likely will become appropriate to slow the pace of increases.

Restoring price stability will likely require maintaining a restrictive policy stance for some time. The historical record cautions strongly against prematurely loosening policy. Committee participants' most recent individual projections from the June SEP showed the median federal funds rate running slightly below 4 percent through the end of 2023. Participants will update their projections at the September meeting.

Our monetary policy deliberations and decisions build on what we have learned about inflation dynamics both from the high and volatile inflation of the 1970s and 1980s, and from the low and stable inflation of the past quarter-century. In particular, we are drawing on three important lessons.

The first lesson is that central banks can and should take responsibility for delivering low and stable inflation. It may seem strange now that central bankers and others once needed convincing on these two fronts, but as former Chairman Ben Bernanke has shown, both propositions were widely questioned during the Great Inflation period.¹ Today, we regard these questions as settled. Our responsibility to deliver price stability is unconditional. It is true that the current high inflation is a global phenomenon, and that many economies around the world face inflation as high or higher than seen here in the United States. It is also true, in my view, that the current high inflation in the United States is the product of strong demand and constrained supply, and that the Fed's tools work principally on aggregate demand. None of this diminishes the Federal Reserve's responsibility to carry out our assigned task of achieving price stability. There is clearly a job to do in moderating demand to better align with supply. We are committed to doing that job.

The second lesson is that the public's expectations about future inflation can play an important role in setting the path of inflation over time. Today, by many measures, longer-term inflation expectations appear to remain well anchored. That is broadly true of surveys of households, businesses, and forecasters, and of market-based measures as well. But that is not grounds for complacency, with inflation having run well above our goal for some time.

If the public expects that inflation will remain low and stable over time, then, absent major shocks, it likely will. Unfortunately, the same is true of expectations of high and volatile inflation. During the 1970s, as inflation climbed, the anticipation of high inflation became entrenched in the economic decisionmaking of households and businesses. The more inflation rose, the more people came to expect it to remain high, and they built that belief into wage and pricing decisions. As former Chairman Paul Volcker put it at the height of the Great Inflation in 1979, "Inflation feeds in part on itself, so part of the job of returning to a more stable and more productive economy must be to break the grip of inflationary expectations."²

One useful insight into how actual inflation may affect expectations about its future path is based in the concept of "rational inattention."³ When inflation is persistently high, households and businesses must pay close attention and incorporate inflation into their economic decisions. When inflation is low and stable, they are freer to focus their attention elsewhere. Former Chairman Alan Greenspan put it this way: "For all practical purposes, price stability means that expected changes in the average price level are small enough and gradual enough that they do not materially enter business and household financial decisions."⁴

Of course, inflation has just about everyone's attention right now, which highlights a particular risk today: The longer the current bout of high inflation continues, the greater the chance that expectations of higher inflation will become entrenched.

That brings me to the third lesson, which is that we must keep at it until the job is done. History shows that the employment costs of bringing down inflation are likely to increase with delay, as high inflation becomes more entrenched in wage and price setting. The successful Volcker disinflation in the early 1980s followed multiple failed attempts to lower inflation over the previous 15 years. A lengthy period of very restrictive monetary policy was ultimately needed to stem the high inflation and start the process of getting inflation down to the low and stable levels that were the norm until the spring of last year. Our aim is to avoid that outcome by acting with resolve now.

These lessons are guiding us as we use our tools to bring inflation down. We are taking forceful and rapid steps to moderate demand so that it comes into better alignment with supply, and to keep inflation expectations anchored. We will keep at it until we are confident the job is done.

---

1. See Ben Bernanke (2004), "The Great Moderation," speech delivered at the meetings of the Eastern Economic Association, Washington, February 20; Ben Bernanke (2022), "Inflation Isn't Going to Bring Back the 1970s," New York Times, June 14. Return to text

2. See Paul A. Volcker (1979), "Statement before the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress, October 17, 1979," Federal Reserve Bulletin, vol. 65 (November), p. 888. Return to text

3. A review of the applications of rational inattention in monetary economics appears in Christopher A. Sims (2010), "Rational Inattention and Monetary Economics," in Benjamin M. Friedman and Michael Woodford, eds., Handbook of Monetary Economics, vol. 3 (Amsterdam: North-Holland), pp. 155–81. Return to text

4. See Alan Greenspan (1989), "Statement before the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, U.S. Senate, February 21, 1989," Federal Reserve Bulletin, vol. 75 (April), pp. 274–75. Return to text

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Here Are the Challenges Ahead for California’s Ban on Gas Cars - The New York Times

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Enforcement could be complex and legal challenges are likely. But ultimately, experts say, success or failure will depend on steady supply and buyers’ appetite.

California has laid out an audacious goal: In 13 years, it should no longer be possible to buy a new car that runs purely on gasoline anywhere in the state.

Yet it remains to be seen whether California can turn that vision into a reality. The state’s plan to ban sales of new internal-combustion engine vehicles by 2035, approved by regulators on Thursday, sets strict limits on what automakers can and can’t sell. Failure to meet those targets carries the threat of stiff penalties.

But whether the rule works in practice will depend on whether consumers embrace electric cars and how rapidly automakers can ramp up production of cleaner vehicles, which could prove challenging. There is also the widespread expectation of legal challenges that could hinder the policy, and some experts said those challenges might have a decent chance of success because of the unusual process by which California is allowed to set some of its own pollution laws.

“It’s a hell of a way to set transportation policy,” said Scott Segal, a partner at Bracewell LLP, a law firm that represents energy industry clients. “This is obviously a very tight schedule that California envisions as a standard for the sale of new automobiles,” he said. “It has pretty significant consequences for consumers and the supply chain.”

In addition, more than a dozen other states — which, together with California, represent roughly one-third of the American auto market — typically adopt California’s stricter standards on car pollution. Many have signaled that they will follow suit on the new rule, and five are already actively preparing to do so. But the speed and sweep of those decisions could further complicate the rollout because scale matters: A larger market could push down prices for electric cars because of manufacturing efficiencies. Or, it could force prices higher if it causes more production bottlenecks like those that are already plaguing the industry.

For years, governments around the world have tried more moderate measures to encourage sales of electric vehicles, which typically produce fewer planet-warming gases like carbon dioxide than traditional gasoline-powered models. China orders automakers to produce a certain fraction of zero-emissions vehicles in their fleets each year. Norway uses a combination of hefty financial incentives and taxes to steer consumers toward electric cars, which now make up 80 percent of new sales there.

Gabby Jones for The New York Times

California is taking a blunter approach. If automakers want to participate in America’s largest vehicle market, then 35 percent of the new passenger cars and light trucks they sell in 2026 will have to be electric vehicles or other emissions-free models, up from about 16 percent today.

Those targets rise to 68 percent in 2030, and 100 percent in 2035.

If automakers fail to comply, they will face a $20,000 fine for each new vehicle sold in violation of the targets. Since that amount far exceeds the profit margin of the typical passenger vehicle, it is unlikely that companies would choose to pay the penalty, experts said.

“California is good at enforcing its rules,” said Dan Becker, director of the Safe Climate Transport Campaign at the Center for Biological Diversity. “Companies at their peril violate those rules.”

But the rule can’t force California’s car shoppers to actually buy the new electric vehicles that automakers will now have to offer. And if consumers don’t follow along, that’s a much harder problem to address. Ultimately, experts said, the plan rests on faith that people will eagerly flock to battery-powered vehicles in the coming years just as, in the past, they rapidly adopted cellphones or microwave ovens.

The rule also does not affect the hundreds of thousands of used cars and light trucks sold in California each year, raising the possibility that some people could simply hold on to their older gasoline-powered vehicles for longer if they are reluctant to purchase electric models.

Mr. Becker said that was worrisome for the climate. “Many of the vehicles produced and sold after 2030 will still be on the road guzzling and polluting by 2050,” he said. Mr. Becker said his group and others have been pushing California regulators to move up the deadline of a total ban on the sale of gas-powered vehicles to 2030 and will continue to lobby for that change.

Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

Officials at the California Air Resources Board, the agency overseeing the new rule, have said they reserve the right to amend the targets if the market doesn’t evolve in the way they hope. In a report in April, agency staffers wrote that “consumer challenges” could prove a significant hurdle, noting that many people are wary of the high costs of electric vehicles, the availability of charging and unfamiliarity with the technology.

Currently, the average electric vehicle sells for about $66,000, compared with $48,000 for the average internal combustion engine vehicle, according to Kelley Blue Book. And while many homeowners can install a charger in their garage, people who live in apartment buildings don’t always have that option. The state may need 1.9 million additional public chargers by 2035 to meet the new goals, researchers at the University of California, Davis, have estimated.

State officials say those challenges are surmountable, pointing to studies showing that electric vehicles can save money over time thanks to lower fuel and maintenance costs. They also estimate that the price of electric vehicles should become competitive with gasoline-powered models by 2030, if not sooner, as production ramps up and battery costs fall.

California’s new rule gives automakers extra credit toward meeting their sales quotas if they offer new electric models that cost less than $20,275 or sell discounted cars coming off lease. And the Inflation Reduction Act, signed into law recently by President Biden, offers up to $7,500 in tax breaks for zero-emissions vehicles made in North America, though many automakers have said they may struggle to qualify in the near term as they adjust supply chains.

Consumer demand appears to be rising fast. A recent survey from Consumer Reports found that 14 percent of Americans would “definitely” buy or lease an electric vehicle for their next purchase, up from 4 percent in 2020, while another 22 percent would “seriously consider” it. But the survey also found that 28 percent of Americans would not consider making the switch.

Gil Tal, a transportation expert at the University of California, Davis, said he was less worried about a lack of consumer interest. Many companies like Ford and Tesla, he noted, already have long wait lists for new electric vehicles. “Right now, automakers can sell as many as they make,” he said. “The bigger question is whether they can actually produce enough cars!”

Roger Kisby for The New York Times

Even as automakers race to ramp up production, they could face supply-chain constraints. Ford, for instance, has vowed to invest more than $50 billion in electric vehicle batteries by 2026, but company executives say they are still struggling with a scarcity of critical metals and other minerals used in batteries, such as lithium, cobalt and nickel.

California’s rules do offer automakers some flexibility in meeting their sales targets. If, for instance, companies overachieve on sales in the early years, they can “bank” some of those credits for future years or sell them to other automakers that have fallen short of their targets. And up to 20 percent of their sales can be plug-in hybrids, which are cars that rely on batteries for shorter trips but also have gasoline engines that kick in for longer trips. Plug-in hybrids might appeal to some buyers otherwise worried about battery range.

Some environmental advocates expressed concern that automakers could end up selling somewhat fewer electric cars than advertised under the new rule because of excess credits already banked under California’s previous and less-stringent programs to bolster zero-emissions vehicles sales, although regulators have approved new tweaks to limit the use of those earlier credits.

“The new rule fixes a lot of the mistakes made under the old program,” said Bill Magavern, policy director for the Coalition for Clean Air. “But it’s still too generous in its allowance of credits.”

The other big questions surrounding California’s new rule are how many other states adopt it, and whether it could be stopped in its tracks by lawsuits.

Under the Clean Air Act, California is allowed to set stricter rules on vehicle emissions than the federal government, and other states are allowed to adopt California’s rules if they choose. California can enforce its rule once it receives an official waiver from the Environmental Protection Agency.

The E.P.A. is likely to grant California a waiver to enforce the new rules.

Mr. Segal said legal challenges to that waiver were sure to follow. If successful, those challenges could bolster the arguments of attorneys general from Republican states who have filed a separate, broader lawsuit opposing California’s decades-long ability to set its own pollution rules, he said.

He said opponents of California’s new rule could have a strong case to challenge an E.P.A. waiver. That’s because obtaining a waiver is rooted in the argument that California faces unique environmental consequences from smog and other traditional pollutants not found elsewhere. Yet state leaders have explicitly said the car mandate is about tackling the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change — yet climate change isn’t unique to California.

“The problem with premising the policy on climate change is that California faces the same consequences from climate change as Texas or West Virginia,” Mr. Segal said.

In recent years, 15 other states (together making up roughly one-third of America’s vehicle market) have adopted California’s previous, smaller rules to encourage electric vehicle sales. Those states will now each need to make a decision on whether to adopt the new 2035 ban on internal combustion engines. So far, five of those states — Massachusetts, New York, Oregon, Vermont and Washington — have signaled that they are prepared to do so this year, once California receives an E.P.A. waiver.

Other states may take more time. In recent years, officials in Colorado and Minnesota faced fierce opposition from local car dealerships and industry groups when they moved to adopt some of California’s earlier rules, though both states eventually moved forward.

Dr. Tal of the University of California, Davis, pointed out that many states are much farther behind California in adopting electric vehicles and installing chargers, which could make it “more challenging” to pursue their own bans on internal combustion engines.

“This is such a transformative policy that you can expect there will be a lot of debate in those other states,” said Aaron Kressig, transportation electrification manager at Western Resources Advocates, a conservation group. “We think these rules are a win for consumers, but there’s a lot to work through to understand how they will affect everyone.”

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Governor Ron DeSantis Suspends Four Broward School Board Members from Office - Governor Ron DeSantis

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TALLAHASSEE, Fla. — Today, Governor Ron DeSantis suspended Broward School Board Members Patricia Good, Donna Korn, Ann Murray and Laurie Rich Levinson from office following the recommendations of the Twentieth Statewide Grand Jury to suspend these board members due to their incompetence, neglect of duty, and misuse of authority. Even four years after the events of February 14, 2018, the final report of the Grand Jury found that a safety-related alarm that could have possibly saved lives at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School “was and is such a low priority that it remains uninstalled at multiple schools,” and “students continue to be educated in unsafe, aging, decrepit, moldy buildings that were supposed to have been renovated years ago.” These are inexcusable actions by school board members who have shown a pattern of emboldening unacceptable behavior, including fraud and mismanagement, across the district.

These suspensions are effective immediately. To read Executive Order 22-202, click here.

“It is my duty to suspend people from office when there is clear evidence of incompetence, neglect of duty, misfeasance or malfeasance,” said Governor Ron DeSantis. “The findings of the Statewide Grand Jury affirm the work of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas School Safety Commission. We are grateful to the members of the jury who have dedicated countless hours to this mission and we hope this suspension brings the Parkland community another step towards justice. This action is in the best interest of the residents and students of Broward County and all citizens of Florida.”

Today, Governor DeSantis also made four appointments to the Broward County School Board in the place of the four suspended members:

• Torey Alston, former Commissioner of the Broward County Board of County Commissioners and President of Indelible Solutions;
• Manual “Nandy” A. Serrano, member of the Florida Sports Foundation Board of Directors, and CEO and Founder of Clubhouse Private Wealth;
• Ryan Reiter, a U.S. Marine Corps Veteran and Director of Government Relations for Kaufman Lynn Construction; and
• Kevin Tynan, Attorney with Richardson and Tynan, who previously served on the Broward County School Board and South Broward Hospital District.

The Twentieth Statewide Grand Jury was impaneled by the Florida Supreme Court in February 2019, following the tragic loss of 17 individuals at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School one year prior. The Statewide Grand Jury was asked to examine four issues, including whether public entities and school officials committed fraud and deceit by mismanaging funds devoted to school safety. In its final report, the statewide grand jury found that these board members mismanaged the SMART Program, a multimillion-dollar bond specifically solicited for school safety and renovation initiatives. The Statewide Grand Jury also found that the Board was aware of serious problems with the SMART Program, including former Superintendent Runcie’s inability or unwillingness to manage those problems, yet did not take action. In concluding and issuing its final report, the Statewide Grand Jury recommended the suspension of four current school board members from office. The Statewide Grand Jury also mentioned a now-former fifth school board member, Rosalind Osgood, who is no longer working as a school board member, and is therefore not subject to the Governor’s executive suspension authority.

To read the full Statewide Grand Jury report, click here.

###

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Here Are the Challenges Ahead for California’s Ban on Gas Cars - The New York Times

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Enforcement could be complex and legal challenges are likely. But ultimately, experts say, success or failure will depend on steady supply and buyers’ appetite.

California has laid out an audacious goal: In 13 years, it should no longer be possible to buy a new car anywhere in the state that runs purely on gasoline.

Yet it remains to be seen whether California can turn that vision into a reality. The state’s plan to ban sales of new internal-combustion engine vehicles by 2035, approved by regulators on Thursday, sets strict limits on what automakers can and can’t sell. Failure to meet those targets carries the threat of stiff penalties.

But whether the rule works in practice will depend on whether consumers embrace electric cars and how rapidly automakers can ramp up production of cleaner vehicles, which could prove challenging. There is also the widespread expectation of legal challenges that could hinder the policy, and some experts said those challenges might have a decent chance of success because of the unusual process by which California is allowed to set some of its own pollution laws.

“It’s a hell of a way to set transportation policy,” said Scott Segal, a partner at Bracewell LLP, a law firm that represents energy industry clients. “This is obviously a very tight schedule that California envisions as a standard for the sale of new automobiles,” he said. “It has pretty significant consequences for consumers and the supply chain.”

In addition, more than a dozen other states — which, together with California, represent roughly one-third of the American auto market — typically adopt California’s stricter standards on car pollution. Many have signaled that they will follow suit on the new rule, and five are already actively preparing to do so. But the speed and sweep of those decisions could further complicate the rollout because scale matters: A larger market could push down prices for electric cars because of manufacturing efficiencies. Or, it could force prices higher if it causes more production bottlenecks like those that are already plaguing the industry.

For years, governments around the world have tried more moderate measures to encourage sales of electric vehicles, which typically produce fewer planet-warming gases like carbon dioxide than traditional gasoline-powered models. China orders automakers to produce a certain fraction of zero-emissions vehicles in their fleets each year. Norway uses a combination of hefty financial incentives and taxes to steer consumers toward electric cars, which now make up 80 percent of new sales there.

Gabby Jones for The New York Times

California is taking a blunter approach. If automakers want to participate in America’s largest vehicle market, then 35 percent of the new passenger cars and light trucks they sell in 2026 will have to be electric vehicles or other emissions-free models, up from about 16 percent today.

Those targets rise to 68 percent in 2030, and 100 percent in 2035.

If automakers fail to comply, they will face a $20,000 fine for each new vehicle sold in violation of the targets. Since that amount far exceeds the profit margin of the typical passenger vehicle, it is unlikely that companies would choose to pay the penalty, experts said.

“California is good at enforcing its rules,” said Dan Becker, director of the Safe Climate Transport Campaign at the Center for Biological Diversity. “Companies at their peril violate those rules.”

But the rule can’t force California’s car shoppers to actually buy the new electric vehicles that automakers will now have to offer. And if consumers don’t follow along, that’s a much harder problem to address. Ultimately, experts said, the plan rests on faith that people will eagerly flock to battery-powered vehicles in the coming years just as, in the past, they rapidly adopted cellphones or microwave ovens.

The rule also does not affect the hundreds of thousands of used cars and light trucks sold in California each year, raising the possibility that some people could simply hold on to their older gasoline-powered vehicles for longer if they are reluctant to purchase electric models.

Mr. Becker said that was worrisome for the climate. “Many of the vehicles produced and sold after 2030 will still be on the road guzzling and polluting by 2050,” he said. Mr. Becker said his group and others have been pushing California regulators to move up the deadline of a total ban on the sale of gas-powered vehicles to 2030 and will continue to lobby for that change.

Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

Officials at the California Air Resources Board, the agency overseeing the new rule, have said they reserve the right to amend the targets if the market doesn’t evolve in the way they hope. In a report in April, agency staffers wrote that “consumer challenges” could prove a significant hurdle, noting that many people are wary of the high costs of electric vehicles, the availability of charging and unfamiliarity with the technology.

Currently, the average electric vehicle sells for about $66,000, compared with $48,000 for the average internal combustion engine vehicle, according to Kelley Blue Book. And while many homeowners can install a charger in their garage, people who live in apartment buildings don’t always have that option. The state may need 1.9 million additional public chargers by 2035 to meet the new goals, researchers at the University of California, Davis, have estimated.

State officials say those challenges are surmountable, pointing to studies showing that electric vehicles can save money over time thanks to lower fuel and maintenance costs. They also estimate that the price of electric vehicles should become competitive with gasoline-powered models by 2030, if not sooner, as production ramps up and battery costs fall.

California’s new rule gives automakers extra credit toward meeting their sales quotas if they offer new electric models that cost less than $20,275 or sell discounted cars coming off lease. And the Inflation Reduction Act, signed into law recently by President Biden, offers up to $7,500 in tax breaks for zero-emissions vehicles made in North America, though many automakers have said they may struggle to qualify in the near term as they adjust supply chains.

Consumer demand appears to be rising fast. A recent survey from Consumer Reports found that 14 percent of Americans would “definitely” buy or lease an electric vehicle for their next purchase, up from 4 percent in 2020, while another 22 percent would “seriously consider” it. But the survey also found that 28 percent of Americans would not consider making the switch.

Gil Tal, a transportation expert at the University of California, Davis, said he was less worried about a lack of consumer interest. Many companies like Ford and Tesla, he noted, already have long wait lists for new electric vehicles. “Right now, automakers can sell as many as they make,” he said. “The bigger question is whether they can actually produce enough cars!”

Roger Kisby for The New York Times

Even as automakers race to ramp up production, they could face supply-chain constraints. Ford, for instance, has vowed to invest more than $50 billion in electric vehicle batteries by 2026, but company executives say they are still struggling with a scarcity of critical metals and other minerals used in batteries, such as lithium, cobalt and nickel.

California’s rules do offer automakers some flexibility in meeting their sales targets. If, for instance, companies overachieve on sales in the early years, they can “bank” some of those credits for future years or sell them to other automakers that have fallen short of their targets. And up to 20 percent of their sales can be plug-in hybrids, which are cars that rely on batteries for shorter trips but also have gasoline engines that kick in for longer trips. Plug-in hybrids might appeal to some buyers otherwise worried about battery range.

Some environmental advocates expressed concern that automakers could end up selling somewhat fewer electric cars than advertised under the new rule because of excess credits already banked under California’s previous and less-stringent programs to bolster zero-emissions vehicles sales, although regulators have approved new tweaks to limit the use of those earlier credits.

“The new rule fixes a lot of the mistakes made under the old program,” said Bill Magavern, policy director for the Coalition for Clean Air. “But it’s still too generous in its allowance of credits.”

The other big questions surrounding California’s new rule is how many other states adopt it, and whether it could be stopped in its tracks by lawsuits.

Under the Clean Air Act, California is allowed to set stricter rules on vehicle emissions than the federal government, and other states are allowed to adopt California’s rules if they choose. California can enforce its rule once it receives an official waiver from the Environmental Protection Agency.

The E.P.A. is likely to grant California a waiver to enforce the new rules.

Mr. Segal said legal challenges to that waiver were sure to follow. If successful, those challenges could bolster the arguments of attorneys general from Republican states who have filed a separate, broader lawsuit opposing California’s decades-long ability to set its own pollution rules, he said.

He said opponents of California’s new rule could have a strong case to challenge an E.P.A. waiver. That’s because obtaining a waiver is rooted in the argument that California faces unique environmental consequences from smog and other traditional pollutants not found elsewhere. Yet state leaders have explicitly said the car mandate is about tackling the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change — yet climate change isn’t unique to California.

“The problem with premising the policy on climate change is that California faces the same consequences from climate change as Texas or West Virginia,” Mr. Segal said.

In recent years, 15 other states (together making up roughly one-third of America’s vehicle market) have adopted California’s previous, smaller rules to encourage electric vehicle sales. Those states will now each need to make a decision on whether to adopt the new 2035 ban on internal combustion engines. So far, five of those states — Massachusetts, New York, Oregon, Vermont and Washington — have signaled that they are prepared to do so this year, once California receives an E.P.A. waiver.

Other states may take more time. In recent years, officials in Colorado and Minnesota faced fierce opposition from local car dealerships and industry groups when they moved to adopt some of California’s earlier rules, though both states eventually moved forward.

Dr. Tal of the University of California, Davis, pointed out that many states are much farther behind California in adopting electric vehicles and installing chargers, which could make it “more challenging” to pursue their own bans on internal combustion engines.

“This is such a transformative policy that you can expect there will be a lot of debate in those other states,” said Aaron Kressig, transportation electrification manager at Western Resources Advocates, a conservation group. “We think these rules are a win for consumers, but there’s a lot to work through to understand how they will affect everyone.”

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